I have an apology to my readers. In recent weeks, the time usually devoted to the blog I have instead engaged in campaign.
Why? Am I a political activist? No, they are not, or at least not in the sense traditional.
Indeed, as a journalist I always thought it was my duty not to be joined parties in order to preserve that freedom of opinion which is necessary for those who want to serve only the public and its demand for independent information that it expresses.
A brief personal history to mo 'premise of
However, there is passion in me civil . There has always been, since the years when I did, in ways independent from political party organizations, the representative of the students in my high school and the school district of the city where I grew up. After years
training and working abroad, I returned to Italy - Rome - in early 1994 , just in time to attend the launch of Forza Italy Fair of Rome towards the end of that January, and then the campaign that led to the first triumph of Silvio Berlusconi .
Since then, for seven years, followed by the U.S. publishing group worked for the Italian economic and political events.
I left Italy in the mid-80s convinced that my country was destined to a sad decline : too much corruption, a rotten economic-political establishment, a finance used for public purposes and patronage in worrying instability, lack of plans and vision for the future.
to convince me to move to Rome in 1994, my editor had to suffer. The prospect of a return to Italy I lured all.
In the end, to decide the match, was the charm of professional challenge: I have opened a new office correspondence, and it was increasingly clear that Italy, with the unusual political season that opened in that ' year, would have been for a while 'the international spotlight. Besides, working for a large American group, operating in all continents, she would also open new horizons that were far beyond the borders of my country.
From there began a melee between me and Italy that still lasts. I am Italian, but do not recognize myself in today.
If the rush and freedom of youth, in the '80s, I was induced to leave, my personal life and my civic passion led me, from that 1994, to deepen ties with my country, rather than to revolve back shoulders.
But it is a daily effort, full of thoughts. One way to give vent to my voltages without failing in the ethical principles that I was given as a journalist, since 1996, to participate - In very personal ways, and again, seconded by party organizations - to election campaigns.
The idea, as often happens, came from a very real and personal stress: the job, in my heart of Rome, a colleague and friend, Tana de Zulueta , until recently, very good first correspondent in Italy for the weekly magazine The Economist (whom I regard with particular admiration for having close knowledge of the extraordinary quality when, in 1991, I had the opportunity to spend in preparing a period of central London internship during my master in journalism).
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Tana did not want to say no: he was too good, and the reasons they were too similar to mine. So, early in the morning, before going to work, in the spring of 1996, I went to the local markets of Prati - stronghold of the right - to speak of the personal qualities and projects Tana, a candidate for the center-left.
The experience was beautiful. Maybe because of my unusual approach, people will be happy to stop talking. It sprang hours of sincere dialogue, fans and civic way of life policy to me tagging along.
Since then, rules are always different but similar in substance, I continued to carve out a fair share of time to devote to debate politics with other citizens-voters, unknown to me before every election. So I did the last two weeks.
This premise, a bit 'because a long personal story not told in a sentence, unless it becomes an epitaph, I hope it served to frame the meaning of my political engagement.
I am a fiercely independent , but is careful to communities in which they live. I have no second reason: the only passion for the civil progress , and his desire to leave, for what little I can, a better country a legacy to my children .
For those who will vote and why
For those who will vote on Sunday? For the Democratic Party of Walter Veltroni. For those who urge you to not vote ? To the People of Freedom of Silvio Berlusconi.
Here is why.
reducing them to the bone, I think the reasons are three:
a) the PD is a democratic party while PDL, in my opinion, not is.
b) the PD expressed a renewal of realistic, common principles in the name of the liberal European civilization , the PDL is configured, in its essence, as a project of preservation of power in the hands of a caste.
c) the expressed a PD and a culture that can unify the country and thus make it possible to overcome a painful transition hitherto landlocked, the country that imprisons its past now decades, the PDL recurrence is tired of the divisions and the anomalies of the past and therefore condemns the country to repeat as and continue along the same path of decline .
These are my views, and now I will try to give an accelerated hearing.
a) On the first point I would like to cite three examples: the birth certificates of both parties, the replacement of the ruling classes, the electoral law. The
PD is marked by a founding act that has seen millions of citizen-voters to speak with the massive turnout at primary .
It marked a discontinuity characterized by a large of renewal applications and ruling class, a process typical of a healthy democracy.
Si è opposto a una legge elettorale che è una vera truffa per gli elettori, dal momento che li priva di ogni potere di scelta all’interno di liste preconfezionate dai vertici dei partiti.
Per il PdL vale il discorso opposto.
E’ nato da un colpo di mano di Silvio Berlusconi , confermando una genesi del tutto analoga a quella di Forza Italia , un partito-azienda privo di vita democratica e per questo senza eguali nel mondo occidentale (anche una leadership estremamente forte come quella di Margaret Thatcher sul partito conservatore britannico dovette affrontare crisi interne e formidabili Opposition movements, which eventually prevailed as is typical of the dynamics of true democracy).
E 'remained enmeshed in conflicts of interest of its leader, only to submit, for this reason, a number of applications under suspicion given the number of offenders, convicted plurinquisiti, often with heads imputation of considerable gravity.
The replacement is therefore blocked by the interests of its leader-owner, doubly linked to a group of power taken away from any possibility of verification of the consent , both inside the party in the electoral process.
This observation, of course, calls into question the electoral law , commissioned by Berlusconi and he strenuously defended even at the moment of this election, this confirms a worrying ability to compress the space of free democratic debate .
b) The PD in its positioning, its culture and its programs, is finally a port to normal in that it presents itself as a reformist party European, steeped in social values \u200b\u200band liberal .
overcoming the division between secular and Catholic abandonment of the ballast consisting of sections of the left radical and antagonistic constitute genuine prospects for the PD steady as the party of reform possible: those in Italy are evident to many, simply because they aim at a convergence towards the European political civilization, but which, nevertheless, were often impractical. The
PDL, FI-AN simple restatement of the covenant of past legislatures, it inherits the poverty of projects for the country and the vocation to act as a party aimed at the protection of special interests - sometimes even corporate but simply personal - as sadly demonstrated in navigating the Berlusconi government in the period 2001-2006.
The priority, in those years, has been continuously ad personam "laws that have made so much mulch every principle of democratic legal culture.
false accounting, international letters rogatory, the European arrest warrant, law Cirami, Maccanico award, former Cirielli, tax amnesties, tax amnesty, abolition of tax on capital gains from investments, TV rights of football, the Gasparri Law (now in the crosshairs of the Commission European Union), Decree-saving Rete 4, state aid to the decoder ... we could go.
c) The PD, as part of the reform, the party presents itself as that can help overcome the divisive tendencies underway in the country, which are large and worrying because you are now extended to areas as diverse as the institutional framework, the territorial (north-south), that of ' equality of rights (I think the job market), the socio-economic (I think the growing polarization in income distribution, making Italy one of the most unequal countries in Europe). The PDL
returns in this election, in fact, inconsistent with the same juxtaposition of alliances in 1994: then there were forces Italy over the League and National Alliance in the north to south, and today there are Forza Italy and AN, assembled in the PDL, in alliance with the Northern League and the Movement for Autonomy in the South
14 years have passed, but the paralysis is evident.
L ' opportunistic assembly of interest groups can also lead to power (as it is able to Berlusconi in 1994 and again in 2001), but does not evolve into a government project for the country.
Without this, the power Berlusconi's end in itself. Berlusconi enjoys the group of power around him, but does not translate into growth and progress for the country.
It is no coincidence that, in the fourteen years since the advent dell''era Berlusconi ', the national decline has been gradual but ended up touching its most acute in the years of right-wing government (the period 2001-2006 has coincided with the period of economic downturn more severe in recent Italian history, compounded by a deterioration of public finances after the consolidation of the second half of the 90s).
I mentioned at the beginning of this post on The Economist newspaper . Let me conclude by referring to the reading of a its editorial, published last week.
Veltroni called on to vote and let it go Berlusconi, confirming an opinion already expressed several years ago, the Knight is unfit to govern - and that is "unfit to govern" a Western democracy. It 'also my thought.
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