To understand the success of Silvio Berlusconi need to go beyond policy analysis.
writes sociologist Aldo Bonomi The resentment in the essay, the roots of the malaise of North , reduce the Berlusconi phenomenon on television, conflicts of interest or violate the rules is to ignore its social roots , which originates from the profound transformations that have the social and productive fabric of our country over the past two decades.
"Like it or not, Berlusconi is in the soul of this country, not only in its superstructure," Bonomi writes.
I agree. Only in this way, among other things, it explains his political longevity despite the quite obvious failures, the ability to rise from the ashes of a bad five years (2001-2006), when his government was deservedly nell'impopolarità despite support offered by the consent of the television factory.
Berlusconi's attempt to understand the perspectives of Berlusconi and Italy's future under his leadership thus requires that you first identify the reasons for its social roots in the context of socio-economic changes that have transformed our country from 80s.
Gli effetti disgregatori di terziarizzazione e globalizzazione
Come scrive Bonomi, i processi di terziarizzazione (dalla produzione di beni materiali a quella di servizi) e di globalizzazione (internazionalizzazione dei mercati) hanno avuto massicci effetti disgregatori sulla società italiana.
Sono venute meno la centralità della fabbrica fordista (e cioè della produzione concentrata nel luogo dei macchinari) e le identità di classe . Il crollo della rappresentanza sociale ha generato fenomeni diffusi di “ paura operaia ”.
Più in generale, si è polverizzata the rigid dialectical relationship between economic-centered capital and labor , where the State reserved a function of mediation and redistribution.
In place of these old class identity and role has issued a capitalism molecular ", made up of many small owner-operators (and by nearly seven million to VAT).
E 'showed a "individualism owner stress of competition is increasingly global, basically antisocial and anomic, motivated only by economic motives and selfish (what Bonomi describes how the emergence of small and cold feelings' instead of "big and warm" passions of the past).
Localisation as a response to social needs
This therefore represents a broad sense of uprooting and displacement that drove people to seek answers to the need for socializing in the "small countries " , namely the return to the local scale where, however, already tended to connect, in a growing territorial development (clusters, chains), molecules of production in the competition.
All these processes were linked by a splitting social identities, from a lack of communication, organization, cooperation, responsibility, from a breakdown in " long networks" membership, replaced by "short networks " localist or corporate, from a loss of legitimacy of public authority.
Berlusconi and Lega interpreters of identity crisis
It is no coincidence that, in this context, new policy actors established themselves in the market since the early 90s were Berlusconi and the Lega Nord .
writes sociologist Aldo Bonomi The resentment in the essay, the roots of the malaise of North , reduce the Berlusconi phenomenon on television, conflicts of interest or violate the rules is to ignore its social roots , which originates from the profound transformations that have the social and productive fabric of our country over the past two decades.
"Like it or not, Berlusconi is in the soul of this country, not only in its superstructure," Bonomi writes.
I agree. Only in this way, among other things, it explains his political longevity despite the quite obvious failures, the ability to rise from the ashes of a bad five years (2001-2006), when his government was deservedly nell'impopolarità despite support offered by the consent of the television factory.
Berlusconi's attempt to understand the perspectives of Berlusconi and Italy's future under his leadership thus requires that you first identify the reasons for its social roots in the context of socio-economic changes that have transformed our country from 80s.
Gli effetti disgregatori di terziarizzazione e globalizzazione
Come scrive Bonomi, i processi di terziarizzazione (dalla produzione di beni materiali a quella di servizi) e di globalizzazione (internazionalizzazione dei mercati) hanno avuto massicci effetti disgregatori sulla società italiana.
Sono venute meno la centralità della fabbrica fordista (e cioè della produzione concentrata nel luogo dei macchinari) e le identità di classe . Il crollo della rappresentanza sociale ha generato fenomeni diffusi di “ paura operaia ”.
Più in generale, si è polverizzata the rigid dialectical relationship between economic-centered capital and labor , where the State reserved a function of mediation and redistribution.
In place of these old class identity and role has issued a capitalism molecular ", made up of many small owner-operators (and by nearly seven million to VAT).
E 'showed a "individualism owner stress of competition is increasingly global, basically antisocial and anomic, motivated only by economic motives and selfish (what Bonomi describes how the emergence of small and cold feelings' instead of "big and warm" passions of the past).
Localisation as a response to social needs
This therefore represents a broad sense of uprooting and displacement that drove people to seek answers to the need for socializing in the "small countries " , namely the return to the local scale where, however, already tended to connect, in a growing territorial development (clusters, chains), molecules of production in the competition.
All these processes were linked by a splitting social identities, from a lack of communication, organization, cooperation, responsibility, from a breakdown in " long networks" membership, replaced by "short networks " localist or corporate, from a loss of legitimacy of public authority.
Berlusconi and Lega interpreters of identity crisis
It is no coincidence that, in this context, new policy actors established themselves in the market since the early 90s were Berlusconi and the Lega Nord .
latter, said Bonomi, was able to take advantage memberships at the end of the twentieth century and the load of fear and disorientation that this implosion generated, not to present itself as a party but as a representative institution of the new territorial identities .
In the case of Berlusconi the success was due rather to the ability to intercept the request for modernization capitalism that came from molecular stressed by global competition and demand for utopia and therefore of hope and identity that came from " multitude of people uprooted. The Berlusconi
"polymorphic" (laborer, craftsman, merchant, businessman, housewife, VAT, etc.. etc.) the "president of the multitude ", the Italian company has offered a possibility of finding identity pulverized by the multiplicity of differences regroup around an idea.
words, Berlusconi has given some sense of individualism - often disgruntled because they lost - which had spread in the country.
Modernization and utopia are therefore the key words to decipher the social roots of Berlusconi. It is a confirmation that this is the glue between Berlusconi and his "people" was the educated, for example, in the success of the slogan "Raised Italy" recent elezioni : un concentrato di speranze utopiche, rassicurazioni identitarie e promesse di modernizzazione.
Breve analisi del risultato elettorale
Una siffatta griglia interpretativa consente, a mio parere, di comprendere bene l’esito delle elezioni del 13 e 14 aprile scorsi.
Se la sinistra radicale è crollata è perché si è attardata a parlare, con linguaggi ormai desueti (la contrapposizione di classe, cara a Bertinotti) a soggetti in via di estinzione (l’operaio massa della fabbrica fordista).
I suoi tradizionali elettori hanno preferito l’opzione “utile” del voto al Partito democratico o, the North, even the "transgressive" and newly installed identity of the League votes (10% of the choice made by the former voters of the Rainbow Left in Lombardy, even from 40% in Veneto).
On the other hand, the success of Bossi (North) and Berlusconi (South) is simply the fact that better than anyone else, they managed to intercept needs pre-political identity security cohesion and ransom.
Italy "moderate," neither right nor left because antipartitica apolitical and instinctively, in fact, before all else, a disoriented country, concerned about its decline, aging and fearful of the future.
It 's a country swept by the winds of globalization without government, whose flows have so far reduced to be input, those of an' immigration increasingly tumultuous and often illegal, and output of those relocation of firms: a balance between the deficit and the catastrophic.
Not surprisingly, then, when Italy voted in that right is the same, as detected Censis , claiming more State more welfare, infrastructure more - in short, protection and support. With the life
Alitalia to deliberately emphasized throughout the campaign period, Berlusconi and Bossi, unlike the Left, have been shown to have figured out what the new demand coming up from the country.
Although, as we shall see later in this analysis, to perceive a need does not mean in itself be able to find answers.
0 comments:
Post a Comment